DUBLIN (BP)–As candidates hit the campaign trail in preparation for Indonesia’s presidential election in July, rights groups have voiced opposition to an increasing number of sharia-inspired laws introduced by local governments. They say the Islamic laws discriminate against religious minorities and violate Indonesia’s policy of “pancasila,” or “unity in diversity.”
With legislative elections coming in April and President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono likely to form a coalition with several Islamic parties for the July presidential election, such laws could become a key campaign issue.
Although Aceh is the only province completely governed by sharia, more than 50 regencies in 16 of 32 provinces throughout Indonesia have passed laws influenced by sharia. These laws became possible following the enactment of the Regional Autonomy Law in 2000.
The form of these laws varies widely. Legislation in Padang, West Sumatra, requires both Muslim and non-Muslim women to wear headscarves, while a law in Tangerang allows for the arrest of women found “loitering” alone on the street after 10 p.m. in addition to prostitution charges. Other laws include stipulations for Koran literacy among schoolchildren and severe punishment for adultery, alcoholism and gambling.
Some regencies have adopted sharia in a way that further marginalizes minority groups, according to Syafi’I Anwar, executive director of the International Center for Islam and Pluralism.
“For instance, the Padang administration issued a law requiring all schoolgirls, regardless of their religion, to wear the headscarf,” Anwar told the International Herald Tribune. “This is unacceptable,” he said, “because it is not in line with the pluralism that the constitution recognizes.”
Freedom of religion is guaranteed by Article 29 of the country’s constitution, Anwar added. “Therefore the government must assist all religious communities to practice their beliefs as freely as possible and take actions against those who violate that right.”
While Indonesia’s largest Muslim group, Nahdlatul Ulama (NU), has publicly denounced the implementation of such laws, other groups actively support them. The Committee for the Implementation and Maintenance of Islamic Law (KPPSI) has held several congresses in Makassar, South Sulawesi, with the goal of passing sharia-inspired legislation and obtaining special autonomy for the province, similar to that in Aceh.
KPPSI also has encouraged members to vote for politicians who share their goals, according to local news agency Komintra.
In February of last year, Home Affairs Minister Mardiyanto declared that the government saw no need to nullify some 600 sharia-inspired laws passed by local governments. His announcement came after a group of lawyers urged the government in June 2007 to address such laws that discriminate against non-Muslims.
Moderates were alarmed at Mardiyanto’s decision, fearing it would encourage other jurisdictions to pass similar laws. Last August, Mohammad Mahfud, newly re-elected head of the Constitutional Court, slammed regional administrations for enacting sharia-inspired laws.
“[These] laws are not constitutionally or legally correct because, territorially and ideologically, they threaten our national integrity,” Mahfud told top military officers attending a training program on human rights, according to The Jakarta Post.
Mahfud contended that if Indonesia allows sharia-based laws, “then Bali can pass a Hindu bylaw, or North Sulawesi can have a Christian ordinance. If each area fights for a religious-based ordinance, then we face a national integration problem.” Sharia-based laws would promote religious intolerance and leave minority religious groups without adequate legal protection, Mahfud said.
Under the 2000 Regional Autonomy Law, the central government has the power to block provincial laws, but it showed little willingness to do so until recently when, bowing to pressure from advocacy groups, it pledged to review 37 sharia-based ordinances deemed discriminatory and at odds with the constitution.
Such reviews are politically sensitive and must be done on sound legal grounds, according to Ridarson Galingging, a law lecturer in Jakarta.
“Advocates of sharia-based laws will stress the divine origin of sharia and resist challenges [that are] based on constitutional or human rights limits,” Galingging told The Jakarta Post. “They maintain that sharia is authorized directly by God, and political opposition is viewed as apostasy or blasphemy.”
A national, sharia-inspired bill regulating images or actions deemed pornographic sparked outrage on a final parliamentary vote in October. One-fifth of the parliamentarians present walked out in protest, leaving the remainder to vote in favor of the legislation.
The bill provided for up to 15 years of prison and a maximum fine of US$1.5 million for offenders.
“This law will only empower vigilante groups like the Islamic Defender’s Front [FPI],” Eva Sundari, a member of the Democratic Party of Struggle (PDIP), told reporters. FPI is widely regarded as a self-appointed moral vigilante group, often raiding bars and nightclubs, but also responsible for multiple attacks on churches.
“Many of the members are preparing for elections and looking for support among the Islamic community,” Sundari added. “Now they can point to this law as evidence that they support Islamic values.”
Although several Golkar Party politicians support sharia-based laws, senior party member Theo Sambuaga has criticized politicians for endorsing such legislation to win support from Muslim voters. Several major parties openly back sharia laws, including the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS), the United Development Party and the Crescent Star party.
KEY ELECTION ISSUE
Sharia-based laws may become an even hotter election issue this year as a change in Indonesia’s voting system means more weight will be given to provincial candidates.
Political analysts believe Yudhoyono must form a coalition with most if not all of the country’s Islamic parties in order to win a majority vote against the Golkar Party, allied for this election with former President Megawati Sukarnoputri’s PDIP.
The coalition Yudhoyono could form, however, likely would come with strings attached. As Elizabeth Kendal of the World Evangelical Alliance wrote in September 2008, “The more the president needs the Islamists, the more they can demand of him.”
In 2004, Yudhoyono partnered with the NU-sponsored National Awakening Party, the National Mandate Party (founded by the Islamic purist organization Muhammadiyah) and the PKS to achieve his majority vote. Analysts predict PKS again will be a key player in this election.
Few realize, however, that PKS draws its ideology from the Muslim Brotherhood, a group formed in Egypt in 1928 with a firm belief in Islamic world dominance. Crushed by the Egyptian government in the 1960s, members of the Brotherhood fled to Saudi Arabia, where they taught in the nation’s universities — influencing the future founders of al-Qaeda, Hamas and Sudan’s National Islamic Front.
The Brotherhood took root at a university in Bandung, West Java, in the 1970s in the form of Tarbiyah, a secretive student movement that eventually morphed into the Justice Party (JP) in 1998. Winning few votes, JP allied itself with a second party to form the PKS prior to the 2004 elections.
Since then, PKS has gained widespread support and a solid reputation for integrity and commitment to Islamic values. Simultaneously, however, PKS leaders are vocal supporters of Abu Bakar Ba’asyir, leader of the terrorist group Jemaah Islamiyah (JI).
Sadanand Dhume, writing in the Far Eastern Economic Review, noted that the two organizations have much in common. In its founding manifesto, PKS calls for the creation of an Islamic caliphate. Unlike JI, however, “the party can use its position in Parliament and its … network of cadres to advance the same goals incrementally, one victory at a time.”
Compass Direct News, based in Santa Ana, Calif., provides reports on Christians worldwide who are persecuted for their faith. Used by permission.